When Ireland last held the Presidency of the Council of the EU in 2013, European defence was still a relatively limited policy field. Today, the picture is very different.
Russia’s war against Ukraine, hybrid attacks, cyber threats, maritime insecurity and the need to close Europe’s capability gaps have pushed defence to the centre of the EU agenda.
This is the context in which Ireland, a historically neutral and non-NATO Member State, will take over the Council Presidency.
At first glance, this may seem unusual. Ireland’s defence policy has traditionally been shaped by military neutrality, UN peacekeeping, multilateralism and national sovereignty. Dublin does not participate in collective defence arrangements and has long avoided a hard-power profile.
Neutrality does not mean passivity.
The Irish Presidency is expected to support continuity in the EU’s defence agenda, with Ukraine as a defining priority. Dublin has made clear that it will back continued political, financial and military support for Ukraine, maintain pressure on Russia, and support Ukraine’s integration into EU defence initiatives.
At the same time, Ireland is likely to frame European defence through areas that fit its own strategic profile: resilience, cyber security, hybrid threats, maritime security, critical infrastructure protection, preparedness and dual-use innovation.
Ireland’s defence niche advantage.
The Irish defence industrial base is not built around large defence primes or major weapons platforms. Instead, it is concentrated in specialised SMEs, research institutions and technology-driven capability areas such as cyber, secure communications, AI-enabled analysis, C4ISR, space-based ISR, simulation, data fusion and maritime surveillance.
These are precisely the areas becoming increasingly important in Europe’s defence transformation.
During the Irish Presidency, key files to watch will include the revision of the Defence Procurement Directive, the proposed Regulation on Military Mobility, work on European Defence Projects of Common Interest, the implementation of the Preparedness Union Strategy, and initiatives linked to cyber, hybrid threats, drone and counter-drone security, cable security and maritime domain awareness.
Ireland’s own defence debate is also evolving.
The country is increasing investment in air surveillance, counter-UAS capabilities, maritime monitoring, secure communications, armoured mobility and cyber resilience. While Ireland will remain militarily non-aligned, its national priorities increasingly reflect the same capability gaps facing Europe as a whole.
The Irish Presidency is therefore unlikely to be a Presidency of dramatic defence declarations. Its role will be more practical: building consensus, advancing key legislative files and connecting defence readiness with resilience, preparedness and innovation.
What comes next for EU defence?
For the European defence and security ecosystem, this creates a clear opportunity. The next phase of EU defence will not only be about platforms and traditional military hardware. It will also depend on the enabling technologies, digital systems and dual-use solutions that allow Europe to detect, decide, move and respond faster.
Ireland may be neutral. But its Presidency will take place in a Europe that can no longer afford to be strategically passive.
